George Mason University Africas Growth Experience Questions
Description
Briefly answer these questions
In no more than 3 paragraphs, describe the growth experience of African countries in the post-independence period through 2020.
Do you think that Africas growth experience differs from the rest of the world? If so, how?
Africas development experience has not been good; the growth rates show a great deal of diversity. Explain
Explain the ways in which African countries differ in economic and noneconomic structures.
Can you think of other ways in which African countries differ among themselves?
Although there is considerable diversity on the continent, the fact that all African countries are either middle-or low-income developing nations gives them some common characteristics. List and discuss these common characteristics.
In spite of their current low levels of development relative to more advanced countries, African countries have progressed at remarkably rapid rates from a historical perspective. Explain.
African countries can be classified in a variety of ways; list and discuss two of these classifications.
What is the difference between the terms: economic growth and economic development? Can you have economic development without economic growth?
As discussed in class, briefly explain the correlation between Income & Life Expectancy and between Income & Infant Mortality.
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LECTURE 3: ECONOMIC GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT:
THEORIES, CONCEPTS AND PATTERNS
INTRODUCTION: ECONOMIC GROWTH
This week, we will review two very important theories of economic growth that
explain the capital accumulation process.
We will show that these theories, explain only a small part of the differences in growth
among countries.
Finally, we will discuss the empirical evidence for the main causes of growth and
highlight two important explanations for why some countries are so wealthy and others
are so poor: geography and institutions.
GROWTH & FACTORS OF PRODUCTION
When we analyze the sources of economic growth, the first thing we must consider is the contribution made by the factors of
production.
Factors of Production: They are the factors such as Labor and Capital (machines, buildings, trucks), which are combined to produce
goods and services.
More labor and more capital allow for more production and contribute to growth.
The productivity of each factor of production depends on the quantity of the other factor of production used in production.
The combination of factors of production differs across countries because of differences in factor abundance, and the relative
availability of the different factors of production.
In highly developed countries, capital is usually more abundant than labor and production thus depends more heavily on capital,
while in poor countries labor is usually more abundant than is capital. Poor countries have less capital, and it is usually of lower
quality.
THE PRODUCTION FUNCTION
The production function is a mathematical expression of the joint effect of the factors of
production on output. It is specified as:
Where:
the amount of output Yt in the economy is a function of Kt the stock of capital in the
economy during year t and
Lt is the amount of labor.
FACTOR PRODUCTIVITY
The production function allows us to derive different measures of productivity:
Average Productivity:
The productivity of capital: Divide national output by the capital stock in the economy. This number tells us how much, on
average, capital contributes to national output in a given year.
Labor productivity: Divide national output by total employment in the economy. This number tells us how much, on
average, how much each worker contributes to national output in a given year.
Note that labor productivity is a function of the capital intensity k*, which tells us how much capital there is per worker. Rich
countries that have abundantly available capital have higher capital intensity in production than do poor countries.
FACTOR PRODUCTIVITY
Marginal Productivity:
Marginal productivity of capital is the increase in output caused by an additional unit of capital.
Marginal productivity labor is the increase in output caused by an additional unit of labor.
Marginal product of labor decreases when labor increases. The marginal product of capital also decrease as labor increases.
The marginal product of capital decreases when capital decreases.
Economically, these statements mean that labor and capital have a diminishing marginal productivity: the more labor
(or capital) added to the economy, the smaller the additional output that will be generated.
An important property of the production function is that the marginal product of labor increases when there is more
capital in the economy. This implies that adding a worker in an economy with a substantial amount of capital stock
will add more output than will adding a worker in an economy with less capital stock.
Similarly, increasing capital stock in an economy will make existing workers more productive, thus increasing output.
FACTOR SHARES
Factor Shares: Factor share is the share of national income used as payment for the share of capital (or labor) in
production.
In a competitive economy, each factor will be paid its marginal product and that a firm will want to hire labor as long
as the marginal product of labor (labors contribution to the value of output) is higher than the marginal cost of labor,
or the wage rate. Similarly, a firm will want to invest, or add capital, as long as the marginal product of capital (the
contribution of capital to the value of output) is higher than the opportunity cost of capital, the interest rate. Indeed,
as long as the marginal product of capital is higher than the interest rate, we get a higher return by investing more
capital in the firm than by putting it in the bank.
In advanced economies, the share of capital is roughly one-third (33%) of total income, and the share of labor is roughly twothirds (66%) of total income . The share of capital tends to be somewhat higher in many developing economies. In China, the
share of capital has been rising over the years and has been above 40% for many years. In India, it has also been around 40%
in recent years.
GROWTH ACCOUNTING
Another important property of the production function is its use for growth accounting, which estimates what percentage of
an economys growth rate can be attributed to the growth rate of the labor force, the growth rate of the capital stock, and
residual factors (Total Factor Productivity).
Total Factor productivity is defined as the part of output that labor and capital cannot explain. It is usually thought to be the
result of Technological Progress.
For example, if innovations allow the production of twice as much of a given product with the same quantity of labor and
capital, the innovations will show up in the estimate of Total Factor Productivity.
A higher level of output not caused by capital or labor may also be the result of Institutional Reforms or other aspects of the
economy unrelated to Capital Accumulation (Capital) and Population Growth (Labor).
While Technical Progress may lead to increases in Factor Productivity, it is not necessarily the only or even the main cause of
increases in Factor Productivity. Research shows that Institutional Improvements may be a major cause of increases in Total
Factor Productivity.
GROWTH ACCOUNTING
Capital accumulation and population growth are important source of growth in most countries, but research shows
that the biggest variation in the growth performance of countries is Total Factor Productivity.
To understand growth further, we need to consider all three sources of growth (Capital, Labor and Total Factor
Productivity) . We do this by looking both at the theories of growth and at empirical research on growth as a means to
determine why growth rates vary so much across countries.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
Robert Solow developed the neoclassical growth model for which he received the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1987. It is
called the neoclassical growth model because it assumes competitive markets and a diminishing marginal product of capital.
The Solow model easily links the production function with savings, investment, population growth, and technical change.
The Solow model predicts that poorer countries should grow faster than rich countries.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
Constant Returns to Scale and Diminishing Marginal Products
Figure 1 highlights a key feature of the Solow model:
Average capital productivity decreases as capital in the
economy increases.
Average productivity decreases because of the assumption
of diminishing marginal productivity:
The slope of yt flattens as capital intensity kt increases.
Figure1: The Solow Model
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
The Steady State in the Solow Growth Model
In the steady state, the population grows at rate n, the savings rate is s, and the
depreciation rate is ?, but capital accumulation is such that the level of capital
intensity remains the same period after period.
Note from steady state equation that the steady state capital intensity (k*) increases
with the savings rate s and total factor productivity (A) and decreases with the
growth rate of the population n and the depreciation rate of capital ?.
Higher population growth reduces capital intensity. Moreover, a higher depreciation
Equation 2: Steady State in
rate also leads to lower capital intensity as more capital is depreciated.
the Solow Model
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
As shown in Figure 2, if capital intensity is below or above steady state capital intensity k*,
the economy adjusts and moves along the arrows, with output per capita and capital intensity
varying until the steady state k* is reached.
Growth Inside and Outside the Steady State: Economic Growth Process with the Solow
Model
As capital intensity determines income per capita, large increases in capital intensity result in
high increases in income per capita. Growth is thus higher the lower capital intensity is relative
to steady state capital intensity, and it decreases gradually as it gets closer to the steady state.
The economic reason for this decrease relates to the assumption of diminishing marginal
product of capital. The marginal product of capital is higher in economies where capital is
scarce and capital intensity low. Consequently, growth should be higher in economies where
the initial level of capital intensity is low. Diminishing returns to capital thus influence the
growth path of a country.
.
Figure 2: Steady State in
the Solow Model
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
Technological Progress and the Steady State
An increase in Total Factor Productivity A (Technological Progress) in the Solow model can offset declining growth rates as
capital intensity increases. To represent this case, we assume that A (Technological Progress) increases over time instead of
remaining constant. We saw in steady state equation below on the previous slide that the steady state capital intensity k*
increases with Total Factor Productivity A:
Equation 3: Technological Progress in the Solow Model
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
Figure 3 illustrates this case: EFFECT OF
IMPROVEMENTS IN TECHNOLOGICAL PROGRESS
An increase in A from A1 to A2 leads to an increase in steady
state capital intensity from k*1 to k*2.
We can understand this shift from A1 to A2 as Technological
Progress that arrives exogenously.
Technological progress means the introduction of new
machines, new equipment, or new forms of organization
that make it possible to increase output at a lower cost.
In terms of the Solow model, if the economy is at a level of
capital intensity kt below k*1, then the increase in technical
progress makes the economy move further away from the
steady state, leading to higher growth.
Figure 3: Technological Progress in the Solow Model
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
THE EFFECT OF DIFFERENT SAVINGS RATES
Another prediction of the Solow model is that an increase in the savings rate leads to an increase in the steady state.
Do some countries grow faster than others due to higher savings and investment rates? The Asian economies (Japan, South
Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and now China) have traditionally had high savings and investment rates, and they
have been growing rapidly in the last decades.
Alwyn Young, among others, says that this is the main reason for the Asian growth miracle. Technological progress has not
necessarily been higher in those countries compared to the United States or to European economies, but their high
savings rate can account for their higher growth rates.
For many years, economists thought that differences in savings and investment rates were the key to development and the
Solow model is consistent with this view. However, research shows that countries with high investment rates do not
necessarily have higher growth rates.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
EXAMPLES:
Soviet Union: Investment rates in the Soviet Union were higher than in most of the rest of the world, around 30% between
1930 and 1980, while investment rates across the world generally varied between 15% and 25%. Unfortunately, central
planners allocated investment inefficiently and economic growth slowed down in the 1960s and the 1970s, reaching virtually
0% in the 1980s.
China: China also had a relatively high savings rate before it started its market reforms in 1978, but its growth rate was low
because central planners were just as inefficient as Soviet planners in allocating investment. The savings rate in the reform
period (since 1978) has still been quite high, but growth rates have become spectacularly high, consistently close to 10% for
over 30 years. Market reforms resulted in a substantial improvement in investment allocation in agriculture, light industry, and
manufacturing in general. The example of China before and after its market reforms shows that the efficiency of investments
can vary greatly depending on the particular economic environment.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
DIFFERENCES IN HUMAN CAPITAL
When analyzing differences in growth, the accumulation of physical capital is not the only relevant variable. Another
important variable is human capital, or the knowledge embodied in people. People in rich countries are generally more highly
educated than are people in poor countries.
What can the Solow model tell us about differences in human capital? To explore this question, we use the model below
which introduces a human capital parameter h to take into account the idea that those who are more educated are more
productive. In other words, a country with more human capital will have more effective labor than one with less human
capital. Parameter h, representing the average level of human capital, will be higher in countries where people are
better educated:
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
DIFFERENCES IN HUMAN CAPITAL
Research shows that differences in human capital are a better predictor of differences in income per capita than are
investment rates. However, differences in human capital cannot be the whole story behind differences in growth and
development.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
EXAMPLE:
The level of human capital was quite high in the former socialist countries under central planning, but growth still lagged.
When the transition to a market economy started, economists were very optimistic about the prospects of growth for those
countries because of the very high initial level of human capital, but that optimism faded when the GDPs of those countries
began to decline.
Differences in human capital are not extreme enough to explain the differences in development between countries.
Differences in education should predict that Mali, one of the poorest countries in the world, would have roughly onethird of the income per capita of the United States. In reality, it has only 3% of U.S. income per capita.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
INCOME CONVERGENCE:
The most basic prediction of the Solow model is income convergence: poor countries should grow faster than rich countries because they have a
higher marginal product of capital. Eventually, the income gap should tighten, and countries should all converge to the same steady state. This
is the case only if all countries have the same savings rate, depreciation rate, population growth rate, and total factor productivity. There is not
much evidence of income per capita convergence. There is no strong evidence of a negative correlation between initial GDP per worker and growth
(growth falls while GDPPC increases or vice versa) contrary to what the Solow model predicts. Some countries have been catching up, but other
countries have not seen much growth for decades.
In fact, empirical evidence shows that some countries like Zimbabwe, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti,
Nicaragua, or Venezuela have even had, on average, negative growth.
Could we explain the absence of obvious convergence by differences in technological change across countries? The Solow model cannot explain such
differences because technological progress is exogenous, in the sense that the model does not explain how technological progress grows. Higher rates of
technological progress in rich countries may offset a lower marginal product of capital, but we would still have to explain why some countries have
experienced more technological progress than others. In other words, we would have to have an endogenous explanation for technical change
rather than a less satisfactory exogenous explanation. This is what we investigate next.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
ENDOGENOUS GROWTH MODEL
Endogenous growth theory proposes a drastic alternative to the Solow growth model in both its components and its predictions. Contrary to the Solow
model where technology is exogenous, endogenous growth theory suggests that growth is generated by endogenous technical change resulting from
entrepreneurial innovation. This theory was introduced by Paul Romer.
Boundless Knowledge-Based Growth
One of the key ideas of endogenous growth theory is the difference between human capital and knowledge. Because human capital can only exist in
people, in the long term it cannot grow much faster than the population. In a country where the educational level is low, progress made in providing the
population with a better-quality education will lead human capital to grow faster than the population, but in a country where high-quality education is
already widespread, human capital cannot grow faster than the population. When people die or become unproductive because of old age or
disability, their human capital will become idle.
Knowledge, unlike human capital, is not necessarily embodied in people. It exists in books, files, archives, patents, computer codes, and in
various other forms that humans can store. Knowledge can grow boundlessly and can accumulate indefinitely. The only constraint to the
accumulation of knowledge is that people have to produce it through research. Research productivity can increase because new ideas develop
from the existing body of knowledge. In endogenous growth theory, the more knowledge there is in the economy, the higher its growth rate.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
KNOWLEDGE AS A NON-RIVAL GOOD & EXCLUDABLE GOOD
Knowledge is not just any type of economic good; it is a non-rival good, or a good that can still be consumed by the seller even after it is sold.
Most normal economic goods are rival goods; once they are sold, the seller can no longer consume them. In contrast, the seller of knowledge
still keeps it even after selling it.
Knowledge is also an excludable good, which means a seller can exclude others from its consumption. Secrecy rules, patents, and intellectual
property rights are all means to prevent access to knowledge.
Knowledge in the economy progresses via incentives to innovate. Entrepreneurs innovate in the hope of receiving the maximum amount of money
from their innovations. This maximum profit is possible only if they can prevent others from copying their innovations and making money from them.
Copyright and patent laws protect the knowledge created by innovators by preventing others from using this knowledge.
For innovation incentives to work properly, innovators must expect monopoly rents, i.e., extra profits derived from monopoly status.
Perfect competition, as assumed in the Slow model, would otherwise eliminate the incentives to innovate. The prospect of those monopoly
profits will make it worthwhile to invest in research and innovation. Acquiring temporary monopoly rights leads to imperfect competition but provides
incentives to innovate.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
THE ROMER MODEL VS. THE SOLOW MODEL
The Romer models predictions are different from those of the Solow model in several important ways:
1. In the Romer model, imperfect competition is necessary for innovation and growth, while the Solow model is based on the
neoclassical model of perfect competition.
2. Innovation is endogenous in the Romer model and depends on the stock of knowledge and research and development. It is
exogenous in the Solow model.
3. In the Romer model, rich countries should grow faster than poor countries because of their higher existing stock of
knowledge. The model predicts divergence between poor and rich countries, not convergence. The Solow model
predicts that poorer countries with low capital intensity should experience higher growth rates and converge at the income
level of richer countries. If the Romer model is a better description of reality than the Solow model, then we must be
very concerned about whether poor countries will be able to catch up with rich countries.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHT AND TECHNOLOGY TRANSFERS
Development economists focus primarily on the divergence result of the Romer model. This result, however, ignores
trade and circulation of information between rich and poor countries. According to the logic of the Romer model, even
though the rich countries are most productive at research, the only way that economic convergence could occur is if
there is technology transfers from the rich to the poor countries.
An implication of this proposition is that the protection of intellectual property rights at the international level is not
beneficial to poor countries because it hinders technology transfers and thus leading to divergence between rich and
poor countries.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF ECONOMIC GROWTH WHAT DRIVES THE MAIN DIFFERENCES IN THE LEVELS OF
INCOME BETWEEN RICH COUNTRIES THAT HISTORICALLY HAVE HAD HIGH GROWTH AND POOR
COUNTRIES THAT HAVE HAD LOWER GROWTH?
According to the growth theories we discussed above, the accumulation of physical and human capital, technological
progress, and population growth play important roles in explaining a countrys growth rate.
In a research conducted to determine the causes of differences in the growth performance of countries the result for Canada
differed from the results for developing countries.
Canada: The main determinant of the difference in productivity (output per worker) between Canada and the United States
is differences in human capital.
Developing Economies: The main reason for differences in output per worker (labor productivity) with the United States is
differences in total factor productivity and not capital accumulation nor human capital.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF ECONOMIC GROWTH WHAT DRIVES THE MAIN DIFFERENCES IN THE LEVELS OF
INCOME BETWEEN RICH COUNTRIES THAT HISTORICALLY HAVE HAD HIGH GROWTH AND POOR COUNTRIES THAT
HAVE HAD LOWER GROWTH?
Important Note: If we cannot explain differences in levels of economic growth using
only capital accumulation and differences in human capital, and if variations in total
factor productivity are the main driver of differences in output per worker, then what
explains those differences in total factor productivity?
We discuss two competing hypotheses that seek to provide an answer: geography and
institutions.
The geographical view emphasizes differences in climate and geographical isolation as
a cause of differences in economic growth rates.
The institutional view postulates a causal effect of institutions on growth: countries
that have strong institutions to protect property rights and investment will grow and
develop faster than countries with weak institutions.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMIC GROWTH
In a series of articles, Jeffrey Sachs, a Columbia University economist, and his co-authors have emphasized the role of two important
geographical facts relevant to growth: the importance of latitude (distance to the equator) and geographical isolation.
A first striking fact is that there are very few rich countries between the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn. The poorest countries of the
world are located in those tropical latitudes closest to the equator, while the rich countries tend to be located in the more temperate
zones outside the tropics.
Most of the African continent is located in the tropics, along with most of the poorest countries in the world.
Parts of Mexico, all of Central America, and most of South America are also in the tropics.
Southeast Asia and a large part of South Asia are located within the tropics as well.
The only rich country in the tropics is Singapore.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
ECONOMIC REASONS FOR THE IMPORTANCE OF GEOGRAPHY
Why does geography matter for growth and development? The key reasons are as follows:
1. The areas within the tropics are less hospitable because of tropical diseases and the intense heat. Tropical diseases have
tended to increase mortality and have negatively impacted the general health of the population. Moreover, the extreme heat
makes hard physical labor outdoors, especially farming, difficult.
2. Tropical areas receive a lot of rain, which should be good for agriculture, but there is too much rainfall volatility to allow
stable agricultural production.
3. Landlocked areas have high transportation costs. Easy access to coastal areas facilitates trade, as ships can carry large
amounts of goods between international seaports and ports on navigable rivers.
NEOCLASSICAL SOLOW MODEL
THE ROLE OF GEOGRAPHY IN PRACTICE.
Geography is a factor that is truly exogenous to the economic system. It is therefore plausible that it should play a role in development. However, there are
reasons to question whether geography is the main cause of differences in development across the world today.
If geography played a major role in development, then the countries that were disadvantaged by climate and geography should have always been
poorer than the countries that were located in more fortunate places, but this is not the case. It is not always the case because there could be other
another explanation for the differences in development across the world: the role of institutions.
INSTITUTIONS AND GROWTH
Douglass North, Nobel Prize winner in economics, has argued for many years that institutions are the key to understanding
why some countries developed earlier than others.
Recent research has also shown strong evidence of a causal link between institutions and growth.
LECTURE 4: GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY AND
THE LEGACY OF COLONIALISM
GEOGRAPHY AND ECOLOGY
The difficult natural conditions under which most Africans live
are exacerbated by climate, topography, disease and distance.
Yet, even while pointing out the continents difficult
geographic conditions, we need to highlight the economic
potential reflected in the abundance of long rivers, lakes, the
existence of the worlds most important mineral reserves and
the vast agricultural resources African ingenuity can harness.
GEOGRAPHY AND ECOLOGY
? Network of Lakes and Rivers:
Major geographical features include a network of rivers and lakes that constitute an important
means of communication, transportation, and trading activities. These water bodies also provide
fishing opportunities for their surrounding populations and offer great hydroelectric potential for the
entire continent.
Unfortunately, except for a few dams that have been constructed, Africa has been unable to effectively
harness the tremendous resources its waters offer for the following reasons: the topography, which
forces rivers to meander through flat regions; the prohibitive cost of constructing dams that are
rarely efficient options; the unpredictability of heavy rain and the absence or short duration of rain
in many parts of the continent.
GEOGRAPHY AND ECOLOGY
Climate and Vegetation Zones in SSA and Related Problems:
Tropical Rainforest; The Savanna; The desert or low-lying zone; The Sahel; The
Mediterranean and The East African Highlands.
Soil erosion, Deforestation, Intermittent Fires, Desertification, and the Systematic
Rise in Temperatures.
Long Distances from Waters, the Landlocked nature of many Countries of at least
15 landlocked African countries that share a common legacy of colonial disinterest
and neglect and continue to be very poor and underdeveloped.
HISTORICAL FACTORS IN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT
In reviewing Sub-Saharan African economic history, we will focus discussion on five periods relevant to economic
development: Precolonial Political Organizations and their Trade Links; the Slave Trade; European Colonial Rule;
decolonization and changes it brought in economic structure.
PRECOLONIAL POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
It is widely believed in scientific circles that Africa is the birthplace of humans. If, indeed,
Africa is the cradle of mankind, it is also the cradle of culture and the place where the first tools,
made out of wood, bone, and stone, emerged.
Perfecting their tools, enabled people to migrate which was the way the continent of Africa was
populated, and the new creatures with well-developed brains began to migrate to other
continents.
HISTORICAL FACTORS IN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT
In reviewing Sub-Saharan African economic history, we will focus discussion on five periods relevant to economic
development: Precolonial Political Organizations and their Trade Links; the Slave Trade; European Colonial Rule;
decolonization and changes it brought in economic structure.
PRECOLONIAL POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
Some of these new Stone Age humans developed what is believed by many historians to be the first human
civilization. The Egyptians had created the first writing system, begun building the pyramids, invented the solar
calendar, mummified the bodies of their pharaohs, and perfected geometry. In the process, they had devised the
first organized institutions – government, schools, hospitals, churches, an army, and an economic system – all
presumably made possible by the development of farming, which allowed people to settle permanently in one
area, giving second priority to hunting and a nomadic life.
The introduction of metal tools and weapons for war and agriculture made existence on the planet more complex
and perhaps made people more adept in dealing with new social and physical challenges. Migrations were
constant on the continent, leading to the establishment of new communities of hunters, farmers, pastoralists, state
and stateless societies, and empires.
HISTORICAL FACTORS IN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT
Much of Africas precolonial history remains unknown because few African societies were literate or formally
recorded their history.
What is known is that Africas early history was marked by large waves of migration and long-distance trading.
Politically, many Africans lived in smaller clan-or family-based units, which were sometimes loosely organized
into larger groups with various degrees of central authority.
At the same time, Africa also had a number of significant kingdoms or empires that were highly complex,
centralized, and in some cases spanned more than a thousand miles. Examples of these Empires include:
The Monomotapa Empire; The Buganda Kingdom; The Ashanti Kingdom (West Africa); The Songhai
Kingdom; The Axum Kingdom and The Zulu Kingdom.
HISTORICAL FACTORS IN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT – SLAVERY
Research shows that slavery existed in Africa prior to the arrival of Europeans. African
slaves were common within the continent as well as exports to the Middle East and parts of
North
Transatlantic slave trade started in the
